As a leader, Gilmore as is good as it is going to get for Labour right now. The party has let its front bench grow old and predictable, and suffers from not having a range of new, energetic candidates to offer the electorate (witness the undignified trawl around the country for “I’m a Candidate, Get Me in Here” young blood that so far has unearthed such dynamic luminaries as ex-PD TD Mae Sexton and Independent TD Jerry Crowley, both rejected by the electorate after serving single terms.) It speaks volumes for the party that its best and heaviest hitters are its current and past two leaders... Gilmore is good enough to lead the party into the next election, and may be good enough to be Finance minister and Tánaiste in a coalition. But he won’t be Taoiseach.
I don’t think that Labour will translate fickle opinion polls into Dáil seats. Gilmore is treating the campaign (yup: we’re in a semi-permanent election campaign), as if it were a marketing exercise. His speeches are long on the rhetoric that disaffected voters want to hear, but contain very little detail on policy. It’s like being told so often that the Labour brand of toothpaste whitens your teeth better than anything else: you end up wanting to believe it so badly you daren't ask whether it contains dangerous levels of bleach or good ol’ natural products in case the product's mystique is lost. There’s also the party’s link to the unions to consider: I think there’s a definite mood that a lot of non-unionised private sector workers and unemployed voters will vote for a party that gets tough on perceived partnership excesses.
For Labour to overtake FF or FG in the next Dáil, they would have to increase their number of seats by about 30-35 – a huge task, given that their historic high (the Spring Tide in 1992) is 33 seats in total. It would mean taking a seat in every constituency and at least two seats in approximately twelve. I’m usually the world’s worst tipster, but I reckon that it’s a safe enough bet that that won’t happen.