Who would those righteous contributors be?
Not quite. The position of ultimate bargaining power in which unionists, with British backing, found themselves limited the Free State in what it could realistically demand from any negotiations. Whatever about the governing morality of the scenario, the Free State was, frankly, in no position politically, economically or militarily to be demanding anything from a global empire/superpower. Ideally, the Free State would have accepted the entire six counties - if rhetoric and later constitutional aspirations are to be taken at face value - but such an offer obviously wasn't on the table. Submission to what unionists/Britain were prepared to offer was the only viable alternative, if anything at all was to be achieved from the negotiations. Naturally, relinquishing Free State territory could never have satisfied an expectant and idealistic Irish public who believed wholeheartedly in their nation's moral claim to a territory perceived as rightfully their own and of their northern countrymen.
My understanding is that the Free State government was embarrassed by the public revelation that it was considering relinquishing Free State territory in return for territory from the northern side of the border. However, faced with potentially outraging the southern electorate, primarily as a practical consequence of the reality of their inferior bargaining position rather than any lack of idealistic or theoretical will to subsume NI (or as much of it as possible) into what was then the Free State, they fudged the whole thing altogether, lest it would make matters worse for them. Redrawing the boundary was a pragmatically-difficult balancing act between unionist/British power and the demands of the Free State electorate that the Free State government clearly found impossible to manage.
I don't see this to be the case. One maintains a mutually-agreed border, be that temporarily or permanently, whilst the other seeks to abolish that border completely, either through coercion or consent. Neither is necessarily dependent upon or related to the other.*No, the two aspirations cover the same principle- that there should be a mutually agreed border between the British and Irish states.
I believe in a united Ireland and I'd like to think unionists could also be democratically convinced of its merits rather than forcing them into a new all-island state against their will. That would be a preference; we are where we are, whatever about the notion of "the sins of their fathers" - contemporarily irrelevant, as far as I'm concerned - and all that sort of thought. So, I don't necessarily agree that there should be a border; ideally, there wouldn't be one.
However, for the meantime, if a redrawing of the border was on the cards, I may well consider it seriously and support it if it appeased a greater number of people currently living in the north and I felt it didn't significantly diminish the chances of uniting the island. Would I accept any hypothetical relinquishing of east Donegal's Laggan district, however? I might well have to, begrudgingly, if I'm to be morally consistent. Does that mean I support a mutually-agreed border? I don't think so; "support", "espouse" or "advocate" would all give the wrong impression. My position is the reconciliation of my nationalist/republican ideals with a pragmatic and necessary acceptance or tolerance - even if reluctant - of an undesired reality for the simple reason that, in tandem with the paramount nature of my aforementioned principles on a personal level, respecting the rights of others is also something I hold in high regard. This naturally demands a willingness to entertain the notion of compromise. Is that hypocritical? Are such thoughts incompatible? Is this dishonest of me in some way? I don't necessarily see how. It's simply a case of recognising a reality and not wanting to trample over other people and their beliefs/aspirations with my personal views.
Presumably.The practical argument is whether it should run
a) across Fermanagh and Leitrim farmland, as now
b) somewhere beyond the suburban estates of Ballynahinch, Portadown and Limavady, or
c) offshore from Holyhead, Blackpool and the Mull of Kintyre.
Of the three, some variant of b) would presumably disadvantage the fewest people and thus have the greatest democratic legitimacy?
See above.Not if you clarify that a border within Ireland is best in principle and that we're merely negotiating the practical details.
Let me think wishfully again for a moment.
Let's say Britain back then had followed through on the sentiment of indifference expressed pretty succinctly in latter years by Peter Brooke when he asserted that his country had no "selfish strategic or economic interest" in the north of Ireland and scarpered to escape the hassle... How would unionists have reacted once it became obvious that the threat of violence wasn't going to command continued British backing? Faced with the impracticality of the northern statelet going it alone, would they have had any other option but to consider Irish unity as being viable and worthwhile? (Assuming Dublin was genuinely interested in unity also.) Under what circumstances might a unionist ever support a united Ireland, if any?
*Edit: Just realising I might have misinterpreted you. By "mutually-agreed border" I thought you were referring to a maintenance of partition, but, of course, option (c) from your choices listed above could be a mutually-agreed border that would see partition abolished. When I've referred to the/a "border" above, it's most likely I had the notion of partition in mind. So, to clarify, I think the two aspirations are distinct in that one maintains a partitioned island - although that could be on a provisional basis - whilst the other seeks to rid the island of its territorial divide.
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